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Prime Minister Mark Carney arrived in India with clear ambitions to move quickly toward a Canada–India trade agreement. The geopolitical logic is sound, rooted in diversification, Indo-Pacific cooperation, and increasingly aligned strategic interests.

But successive Canadian governments have tried—and largely failed—to unlock India’s massive market at scale. India liberalizes selectively, opening sectors where imports support domestic growth while maintaining tight protection where political sensitivity is highest. Early gains are therefore most likely where India requires external supply or technology—energy security, industrial inputs, and advanced technologies—meaning Canada’s strategy must prioritize sequenced commercial outcomes rather than broad economy-wide concessions.

Luckily, there’s already a blueprint: Canadian pension funds have laid incredible groundwork, having invested over $70 billion in India, which can open up commercial entry points.

We identify some sectors where Canada can make inroads in the Indian market.

Agriculture: Domestic sensitivities, big trade

  • Agriculture remains Canada’s largest export sector to India, yet also one of its most politically constrained. Current measures—a 30% duty on Canadian yellow peas and 10% tariffs on lentils—are designed to protect Indian farmers and manage food-price stability.

  • India frequently adjusts tariffs, licencing rules, and procurement conditions in ways that effectively cap import volumes, particularly for pulses where Canada is a leading supplier.

  • These policies function as domestic economic management tools and can shift quickly with harvest outcomes or inflation pressures, creating persistent uncertainty for Canadian exporters. Clearer import frameworks would help.

Energy: Displacing Russian oil and gas

  • India’s energy demand is expanding across oil, gas, and electricity generation faster than any advanced economy, creating structural alignment with Canada’s resource base.

  • Yet current trade highlights the gap between potential and reality: Canada’s largest energy export to India today is coal, not oil or natural gas—demonstrating that infrastructure and commercial pathways are limiting the relationship.

  • India’s effort to diversify suppliers, notably Russia, under pressure from the U.S., creates an opening for Canada to reposition itself as a longer-term supplier of crude, LNG, and nuclear fuel.

  • Long-term oil and LNG purchase orders—not diplomatic announcements—will determine whether alignment translates into sustained export growth.

Nuclear: Powered by cooperation

  • India’s planned reactor expansion, targetting roughly 100 GW of capacity by 2047, requires secure fuel supply, while Canada remains one of a limited number of politically reliable uranium exporters.

  • Uranium trade operates on long planning horizons and structured supply arrangements, making it less exposed to short-term commodity volatility than most resource trade.

  • Cooperation typically extends beyond fuel into engineering services, safety systems, workforce training, and regulatory collaboration that deepen industrial ties over time.

  • A uranium agreement would signal that the bilateral reset has moved beyond diplomacy into sustained economic cooperation.

Talent and culture: Soft people power

  • Talent mobility and diaspora ties remain foundational infrastructure for the commercial relationship, underpinning investment and business linkages across sectors.

  • Pressures surrounding international students and domestic post-secondary capacity mean mobility policies must balance economic opportunity with political sustainability at home.

  • Film and media collaboration represents a practical early opportunity, as Bollywood production increasingly seeks global filming locations that “Hollywood North” can provide.

Industries: Beyond commodities

  • India’s growth constraints increasingly lie in systems—grids, logistics, emissions management, and industrial efficiency—not simply access to raw materials.

  • Canadian firms are competitive in these enabling technologies, allowing Canada to participate as a solutions partner alongside a resource exporter.

  • Pairing energy exports with clean technology and digital optimization broadens the relationship beyond commodity cycles and supports incremental, repeatable commercial integration.

Trade with India will advance not through political momentum alone, but by aligning commercial incentives with India’s domestic priorities. Canada’s success will ultimately be measured not by what paper is signed but what follows: goods shipped, projects financed, and supply relationships durable enough to expand over time.

–Thomas Ashcroft, Global Issues Policy Lead

Back to the Future: Lessons from a Post-WWII Tin Agreement

This week, the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative issued a request for comments on how a plurilateral critical minerals agreement should be designed. Buried within the submission is a reference to the 1956 International Tin Agreement. That reference is worth a short history lesson.

Why It Matters

The International Tin Agreement was one of the most ambitious experiments in commodity market governance ever attempted—a producer-consumer framework designed to bring price stability to a material the Western world depended on but couldn’t control. It lasted nearly 30 years but ultimately failed. The reasons it failed are precisely the questions the USTR notice is now asking allied governments to answer for critical minerals.

Lessons learned

  • The buyers’ club needs to be big enough to matter. The tin deal failed partly because non-members were significant suppliers. Plurilateral clubs need critical mass—hard to do given China dominates both refined supply and end-use demand.

  • Speed matters. Tin took six revisions over decades to lay the ground, and still collapsed. The window for today’s Western critical mineral supply chain realignment is shorter with China likely even more incentivized to further disrupt markets.

  • Rules of origin is the real enforcement mechanism. Price floors mean little without teeth, and the buyers’ club needs compliance. Given U.S. desires to reshore production, this reads as a competitive advantage for Canada relative to other U.S. trade partners.

Bigger picture

The critical minerals file is unusual as it’s the only area where Washington is leveraging partnerships rather than tariffs. Convening allies, building frameworks, and even asking trade partners to help design the rules is helping Washington foster greater confidence and investment certainty for industry and financiers.

The architecture is emerging, and if successful, a guaranteed price for metals tied to rules of origin that extend through to refined input should be enough to make Western refining economies work. At present, the capital to build that infrastructure is not. This is where more work needs to be done.


Landing on the eve of the annual Prospectors & Developers Association of Canada conference in Toronto, which attracts more than 27,000 attendees, is RBC Thought Leadership’s newest report,  Mine & Refine, which examines that capital gap—the structures, financing mechanisms, and sovereign investment needed to make Canada a credible supplier of refined critical minerals into the new supply chain order.

–Shaz Merwat, Energy Policy Lead

China’s finance ministry confirmed that tariffs on some Canadian agricultural goods will be suspended.

  • The announcement follows the deal Carney cut in Beijing earlier this month. 

  • While the 100% tariffs on canola meal and peas, and the 25% levy on lobsters and crabs will not be imposed, the announcement made no mention of canola seed tariffs, which were supposed to come down to 15% as of March 1.

Over 900 companies have sued the U.S. government after Supreme Court tariff ruling

  • FedEx was the first major American company to come asking for refunds after last Friday’s ruling putting ~$170bn of tariff revenue in play.

  • The onslaught of lawsuits that have been filed with the U.S. Court of International Trade will keep lawyers busy for some time and introduce another major layer of uncertainty and difficulty for U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariff regime.

Germany pushes China for a trade reset

  • Chancellor Friedrich Merz urged Beijing to curb subsidies, address industrial overcapacity, and ease restrictions on European firms as EU concerns over unfair competition and widening trade imbalances grow.

  • Xi Jinping positioned China as a defender of multilateral trade and encouraged closer EU alignment, even as Europe seeks to reduce strategic dependencies in critical supply chains.

–Thomas Ashcroft, Global Issues Policy Lead

Roughly $1 in $10 in Canada’s mining sector has been directed towards pure-play critical mineral development over the past 25 years. The majority of the $700+ billion raised in Canadian mining equity and M&A has poured into other metals, with gold and precious metals accounting for 70% alone. In contrast, Australia directed twice that amount over the same period.

Critical minerals are finally attracting a bigger share of mining investment. Around 67 critical minerals projects—representing about half of all active mining proposals—are currently planned, proposed, or under construction, with a potential investment of $72.4 billion by 2034, according to the Major Projects Inventory.

Canada could account for 14% of the global supply across the six key critical minerals by 2040. Current Canadian production of six core critical minerals, cobalt, nickel, lithium, copper, graphite and rare earth, is on average 2% of global supply. It could rise to 14%, on average, at full capacity if identified projects come on stream, the Canadian government estimates.

However, Canada lacks a strong base of well-capitalized domestic players. Only 19% of Canada’s publicly listed S&P/TSX Composite mining firms are diversified miners, compared to two-thirds of Australia’s S&P/ASX 300 mining index. To reach its goals, Canada will likely need to continue relying on international mining companies and foreign investors.

Two decades of capital allocation decisions have stunted critical minerals’ growth. Canada remains largely a “mine-and-ship” jurisdiction when it comes to critical minerals—with much of the value add and refining picked up by China and other players who have captured the refining segment, and further developed ancillary supply chains, such as electric vehicle, electronics and defence industries.

Despite trade tensions, there are still signs of U.S.-Canada capital alignment. Under President Donald Trump, the U.S. has invested an estimated US$135 million in direct equity stakes in Vancouver-based companies Trilogy Metals and Lithium Americas Corp., in addition to a US$2.3 billion bridge loan for Lithium Americas. It will be unlikely the U.S. can (or wishes to) completely phase out Canada from North America’s critical mineral ecosystem.

Canada faces a critical minerals capital crunch. The absence of patient, risk capital severely impedes the country’s ability to support both Canada and other Western nations in their efforts to move their critical mineral supply chains away from China.

Realizing Canada's critical minerals potential

That capital is needed for Canada to take advantage of the critical minerals industry that’s projected to grow between two to three times globally with a capital requirement of US$500-600 billion by 2040, according to an International Energy Agency forecast. Global demand for six core commodities—cobalt, copper, graphite, lithium, nickel and rare earth elements—will be driven by several growth sectors, including electric vehicles, clean energy infrastructure and space. As well as strategic sectors such as defence, manufacturing and electronics.

Canada holds world-class geology across all six metals but remains a relatively marginal player, accounting for roughly 2% of the global supply of the six metals. If identified projects proceed at full capacity, it could climb to 14% of total supply over the next 15 years, on average, according to Canadian government estimates. The development of vertical supply chains such as an expanded advanced manufacturing base, could have an exponential impact on Canadian supply to meet domestic and international demand.

Yet, Canada remains largely a “mine-and-ship” jurisdiction. Raw metals are shipped mostly to China where they are refined and transformed into high-value components. It’s the result of two decades of capital allocation decisions and the lack of a robust national strategy, but also China’s ability to depress metal prices to crush competitors.

There’s considerable global momentum to propel the Canadian critical minerals industry forward. The U.S. is leveraging its funding, market mechanisms and guarantees to build out a critical minerals market that excludes China. Meanwhile, Europe and several G20 allies are eager to diversify their critical minerals supply chain as they fear the Chinese industrial machine will crush their domestic economies and leave them ever more beholden to Beijing.

China’s recent export controls on key minerals—including rare earths, graphite, gallium, germanium—over the past year are a clarion call for Western countries to act.

Among its G7 allies, Canada is best equipped to take advantage: it’s home to high-grade lithium belts and graphite deposits in Quebec and Ontario, globally significant nickel resources in Manitoba, formidable copper reserves in British Columbia, and rare earth elements in pockets across Canada, including Newfoundland and Labrador. Few countries can claim this breadth across all six critical minerals at scale.

We have identified five structural pressure points that explain why Canada’s critical minerals sector remains undercapitalized, and why market forces alone will not correct the imbalance. Closing the gap requires a coordinated public-private agenda anchored in sovereign co-investment, infrastructure financing, miner-driven shared processing corridors and integration into Western supply chains.

1. The loss of national champions

Between 2005 and 2012, more than $119 billion in Canadian base metals and steel assets transferred to foreign ownership.

The surge in Canadian mining globalization

The transactions were part of a wider globalization trend: foreign capital was expected to unlock value faster than our limited domestic capital markets, and nationality of ownership mattered less than the resulting economic uplift from mineral production and job creation. What that consensus underestimated was the long-term cost of losing domestic companies capable of anchoring new project developments—for a future era.

As Canada’s domestic giants were subsumed into global majors, the domestic capital-raising ecosystem was also disrupted. Boutique mining dealers shrank from around 60% of deal flow in 2010 to effectively 20% today, according to S&P Capital IQ. A similar trend is seen across capital holders as well, with resource-specialist funds now making up only 1-2% of domestic equity mutual fund assets under management today, compared to 6-8% in the early years following the global financial crisis, according to ISS MI MarketSage.

Many of the national champions that could have spearheaded Canada’s lithium, graphite and rare-earth projects largely no longer exist. Meanwhile, global majors allocate capital across their global portfolios that may not align with Canada’s strategic, sovereign objectives. This dynamic stands in marked contrast to the oilsands, which is the predominant operating asset controlled by large domestic players with large domestic ownership.

2. Capital consolidation around gold took the shine off other metals

Of the $700 billion raised in Canada in mining equity and mergers and acquisitions over the past 25 years, only 11% of capital was channelled to pure-play critical minerals development, according to S&P Capital IQ and LSEG. In contrast, Australia directed over twice as much capital to critical minerals during the same period. This was partly due to geology (Australia’s copper deposits are larger and less associated with gold), and partly to a closer proximity to Chinese and East Asian smelters.

The higher gold concentration in Canada reflects a historical M&A wave, with the S&P/TSX Composite mining complex becoming increasingly dominated by a smaller pool of large gold producers. In essence, Canada’s public mining equities evolved into a precious metals financing platform—a result of structural choices made over two decades across Canada’s critical minerals companies.

It doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game between gold and critical minerals—there is room to grow both mining sectors and even create ecosystems that feed off each other.

However, in Canada excellence in gold did not necessarily extend to critical minerals for two reasons:

  • The composition of Canada’s gold endowment made it efficient at producing the yellow metal, but relatively less so for other associated minerals like copper, nickel, cobalt as by-products. Australia’s mix of iron oxide-copper-gold deposits provide a more diverse commodity portfolio.

  • Gold mining skills and infrastructure do not inherently transfer to critical minerals. Gold smelting and refining are mature and standardized, whereas critical minerals processing, which is oriented towards specific end-uses (especially on battery metals) that require complex hydrometallurgy and chemical conversion..

3. Junior miners continue to face a financing cliff

Canada’s flow-through share financings—a tax incentive that allows investors to deduct 100% of their investment against their taxable income—works exceptionally well for early-stage exploration. It aggregates retail capital, reduces the effective cost of capital, and has successfully supported mineral exploration.

However, once a company completes the first assessment hurdle, these tax incentives expire (until construction begins). What follows is a $20-30 million financing gap: feasibility studies, engineering, permitting, and technical validation are required for ultimate final investment decision. These costs are often too large for high net-worth investors and too risky for institutional investors and lenders. Delays in permitting compound this challenge, as the companies remain pre-revenue with a stretched balance sheet.

For niche commodities such as graphite, rare earths and lithium, the problem is worsened by lack of market diversity. China often remains the sole buyer of mineral concentrates. Chinese lithium converters buy spodumene ore and process it into battery-grade lithium, while rare earth concentrates must be converted into a Mixed Rate Earth Carbonate—a processing step Canada largely lacks.

Few institutional investors have historically backed a Canadian junior whose only offtake market is a Chinese refiner, leading to a structural financing gap that has stalled viable projects for years.

4. Refining and processing face a structural deficit

Over the past three decades, Western countries effectively outsourced lower-margin, energy-intensive refining to China. Backed by state-backed capital, lax environmental regulations and lower labor costs, China now controls 70% of global refining market share for 19 of the world’s 20 most critical minerals.

China also builds overcapacity to squeeze competitors. Global copper smelting utilization was only 70% last year, and has played a role in Canada closing the Flin Flon, Gaspe and Kidd Creek copper smelters over the years. Today, only one Canadian copper smelter/refinery remains active: Glencore’s Horne smelter in in Rouyn-Noranda, Que., and its associated Canadian Copper Refinery.

Competing head-to-head in pure-play downstream processing against subsidized overcapacity is economically difficult. However, Canada’s advantage lies in pairing upstream mineral exposure—where margins are structurally higher—with selective downstream integration in “mineral corridors” that offer durable cost advantages, such as low-cost, zero-emitting hydro power in Quebec.

5. Limited domestic demand has constrained value chain growth

Refining investment follows demand—a capital-intensive smelter is hard to build in Canada where local demand is limited. Battery cell manufacturing is nascent and defence procurement operates at a fraction of U.S. scale. Magnet manufacturing, rare earth processing, and cathode precursor production are largely absent. The result is that shipping concentrates are shipped to where the customers are: primarily China.

The paradox is that Canada committed up to $55 billion to attract electric vehicle and battery manufacturers over the next 15 years without attaching domestic sourcing conditions that peer jurisdictions demanded. Germany and France implemented strict, minimum E.U. content and local supply-chain requirements into their electric vehicle subsidy schemes. South Korea similarly tied support to the use of Korean-source battery materials and components. The absence of such commitments in Canada, means the subsidies have not yet catalyzed ancillary industries.

1. Scale sovereign capital across the full value chain

Ottawa’s $2-billion Critical Minerals Sovereign Wealth Fund requires more heft to match the significant capital requirements. The Korea Zinc joint venture, for example, is developing a refinery in Tennessee for US$7.4 billion alone, demonstrating the substantial capital-intensity of downstream investments. A full build-out of mining, refining and processing critical minerals require an order of magnitude of patient capital that’s willing to persevere over years of construction and commercial validation.

The Canada Growth Fund (CGF) has made three mineral investments to address the gap. Its recent co-investment in Thompson Nickel Mines in Manitoba alongside U.S.-based Orion Resource Partners LP and Brazil’s Vale SA anchored the project, attracting credible corporate capital, and signalling strong sovereign commitment. This follows investments by the CGF in Quebec’s Nouveau Monde Graphite facility and the Foran Mining Corp. copper-zinc project in Saskatchewan.

Internationally, the Brazilian Development Bank also offers a template: a US$1-billion blended fund structured with government and private capital (including national mining champion Vale), managed at arm’s length and deployed across extraction, refining and processing. The structure, backed by government funding, instills commercial discipline, and makes strategic projects financeable.

2. Deploy infrastructure capital to unlock regions

Co-investing in enabling infrastructure—such as roads, transmission, grid connections to remote mining regions—reduces a project’s required break-even price by around 22-24%, the single largest lever of any individual policy measure, according to a recent Canada Infrastructure Bank (CIB) analysis.

The build-out of accompanying infrastructure is ideal for pension funds and long-duration institutional investors who are best suited to participate: lower risk than equity in a junior miner, contractual cash flows, and infrastructure-style returns. Ontario’s metal-rich Ring of Fire region alone requires as much as $2.4 billion in road and transmission investment before a single mine becomes commercially viable. For pension funds, it’s an opportunity to finance infrastructure, provided there’s surety of the facility being built, and the new infrastructure can be put to multiple uses and even serve as a springboard for new developments.

Investment in remote communities, many of which are on First Nations territories, presents another opportunity. However, unlike Alberta and British Columbia where oil and gas commercial precedents are well-established between First Nations communities and corporations, these mining jurisdictions require nurturing local governance and technical readiness to ensure long-term commercial success.

3. Build mineral corridors around Canada’s best clusters

Shared processing infrastructure solves multiple problems simultaneously. For instance, Quebec’s six high-grade, high-tonnage lithium projects can complement a regional refining hub. A similar logic applies to the lithium belt running from Thunder Bay to Winnipeg, and to the Sudbury nickel cluster, which already boasts world-class refining infrastructure that could expand to serve new critical minerals projects across Northern Ontario.

Such centralized refiners would give junior and mid-sized miners credible non-Chinese buyers, reinforcing their business and investment case. Corridor economics could also have a cascading economic effect, extending to logistic, transport, commercial and residential housing, and other amenities.

A shared Central Lithium Refinery—potentially structured with government loan guarantees and anchor offtake agreements with battery producers in Europe, Korea, Japan, and emerging Canadian manufacturers.

This offtake, in turn, makes projects financeable on Canadian equity markets and eventually eligible for project financing. The infrastructure economics improve further if the Plan Nord railway extension in Quebec proceeds—an initiative championed by the Cree Development Corporation that would materially reduce both the environmental footprint and capital costs of the Quebec lithium cluster.

4. Draw in global majors to improve project economics

The Canada Growth Fund is well-positioned to co-invest alongside global majors, provide offtake agreements that de-risk revenues, and leverage investment tax credits (ITC) to improve project economics. CGF’s partnership with Strathcona Resources Ltd., to build a $2-billion carbon capture and sequestration facility is a case in point: the government underwrote half the capital and allowed full ITC value to flow to private investors. Revenue de-risking tools, such as offtake agreements and contracts for difference, could reduce a project’s required break-even by approximately 18-19%, CIB analysis shows. The combination of infrastructure investment, revenue de-risking, and co-equity could move Canadian projects to the top of a global major’s priority list.

5. Forge closer ties with U.S. supply chains—but diversify

Few governments are doing more to reshape the global minerals order than the United States. The U.S. Office of Strategic Capital is authorized to deploy US$100-200 billion to bolster defence and industrial supply chains—roughly 15-20 times Canada’s federal funding. Washington’s Project Vault, a US$12-billion critical minerals stockpile, is already operational and striking deals with other countries.

Developing closer ties with U.S. supply chains is Canada’s greatest structural advantage other jurisdictions would struggle to replicate. Strategic deals under the Project Vault umbrella, would ensure Canadian minerals flow into U.S. rules of origin for batteries and EVs. Guaranteed offtake commitments would also give Canada both the demand signal and the financing certainty that mine-refine-process economics require.

The strategy is not without risk as deeper supply-chain alignment with Washington could mean Canadian minerals face U.S. export licencing and defence procurement priorities that serve American industrial policy first.

To avoid diminishing its resource sovereignty, Canada should pursue a strong diversification strategy targeting European and Asian allies, building on its 26 new investments and partnerships with G7 allies that unlocked $6.4 billion of critical minerals projects.

Australia and Canada share comparable geological endowments and mining traditions, but the similarities end there. Australia has consistently outpaced Canada in diversifying its resource wealth, employing a robust strategy focused on mobilizing capital, project permitting, and underwriting infrastructure—ultimately shaping investor behaviour.

Here’s how the Australian and Canadian playbooks have deviated:

1. Anchor investors lead the way

Australia’s pension funds maintain a standing allocation to resources, supported by specialist mining investors who understand the risk profile at every stage of development. Canadian pension funds don’t have the same obligation, while its overall investor base has rotated away from resources over the past 15 years towards tech, healthcare, and global equities. This has left mining capital in Canada episodic, cycle-dependent, and increasingly risk-averse at critical stages of development. The result is a more fragile domestic funding environment for Canadian miners, a trend partly driven by the historically lower total return performance of Canadian miners relative to their Australian peers.

2. Mechanisms to manage financing troughs

While both countries successfully fund early-stage exploration, Canada’s path diverges sharply after that. Flow-through financing—which provides tax incentives at the earliest stages—is effective but limited to exploration. This leaves feasibility, construction, and first production with few funding and incentive levers. This creates a structural incentive to sell assets early rather than build and operate them. Australia’s deeper capital pool through pension funds and specialist resource investors has fostered mid-tier producers that Canada largely lacks.

3. Permitting certainty as a capital advantage

Australia’s approval frameworks include statutory timelines to prevent processes from stalling indefinitely. Canada’s multi-layered federal and provincial reviews, combined with open-ended consultation processes, can stretch five years or more with no defined endpoint. Because permitting risks directly impact project economics, these delays serve as a significant deterrent to capital.

4. The virtuous cycle of base metal wealth—and expertise

Australia’s commodity diversity is anchored in bulk and base metals—iron ore, metallurgical coal, copper, bauxite and alumina—in greater propensity than Canada and its precious metals. That mix supported the growth of BHP Group, Rio Tinto Ltd and Fortescue Ltd., which are now backing other critical minerals including the energy-transition metals like lithium and rare earths. While Canada’s geology is diverse, public markets, historical mergers and acquisitions (M&A) and resulting producer base tilted towards gold companies.

5. Market access and Asian ties facilitated demand

The rise of Asian steel manufacturing, especially China but also Japan and Korea, drove long-term contracts for Australian iron ore and metallurgical coal and anchored the rise of the Australian mining majors. These deep commercial ties now extend to copper, alumina and other emerging battery materials. Canada, by contrast, built commercial ties with North America and Europe, and became cost uncompetitive from a supply standpoint given the lower operating costs of Asian refiners but also missed out on the nexus of demand from Asian battery value chains.

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Janice Charette has at least two sets of marching orders: the one she received directly this week from Mark Carney, and the one she will receive indirectly next week from Donald Trump.

Trump’s unsurprising loss of the Supreme Court case on tariffs will only deepen the difference.

First to Carney:

  • The PM has an impressive depth of respect for his new chief trade negotiator, going back to their days in London but critically to her time last year overseeing his transition team.

  • As the country is learning, Carney works with concentric circles of trust and confidence. She’s one of a handful of people in the inner circle.

  • The PM is also known to value her deep knowledge of the Canadian government and businesses. She knows where to go for answers to the many questions and challenges the U.S. will throw at her.

  • Her first challenge will be to develop the framework for a marathon of trade talks. 

  • That includes structuring technical conversations with a counterpart that’s neither interested nor prepared right now.

  • And it means building up a team for the fight. In Trump 1, the Trudeau team set up a war room that built a network of influencers, including in industry and state governments. Something similar is needed now, but perhaps more of a data room—an operation that can gather and disseminate current information on the impact of tariffs in both countries. 

  • Her next challenge will be to align with the PM on the potential gives and red lines that any negotiator needs in their pocket.

  • One non-negotiable along the way: ensure the CUSMA exemption is maintained.

Now to Trump:

  • The President, who is also on a war footing with Iran, will spend the weekend also ramping up his next trade battle.

  • Many are expecting more Section 301 tariffs to replace the emergency powers tariffs that the Supreme Court struck down. Expect more non-tariff measures, too, and more threats

  • His key messaging may come in his State of the Union address Tuesday night, which is supposed to speak to affordability but will likely toggle between geopolitical conflicts and tariffs. 

  • The setting, on Capitol Hill, won’t be lost on a President who will cajole Congress to support him on both war fronts.

  • Trump’s lead negotiator, Jamieson Greer, has told people privately he’s preparing for negotiations with both Canada and Mexico to run beyond the November midterms. 

  • That flies in the face of many expectations for a replay of 2018, when the administration worked rapidly through the summer to complete what the President could present in the fall campaign as a BDE (best deal ever).

  • If that happens, a Democrat-led House would likely make any comprehensive deal with either country an improbability. Not only will the Dems want a different deal than Trump, Congress will be consumed—almost Watergate-like—with the Epstein files. 

Charette has faced plenty of such challenges in her career, and is widely known for grace under fire.

Press play on the next big test.

– John Stackhouse

A tariff backdoor just closed

  • The U.S. Supreme Court has effectively removed the International Emergency Economics Power Act (IEEPA) as a usable, fast-tariff instrument for any president: the ruling says IEEPA’s authority to regulate importation does not include the authority to impose tariffs absent explicit Congressional authorization.

  • That matters because IEEPA was the administration’s most flexible mechanism: it enabled broad, rapidly adjustable, country-wide duties (including “reciprocal” tariffs and fentanyl-related tariffs) that could be turned up or down quickly as negotiating pressure.

  • A large share of tariff collections tied to IEEPA is now legally exposed (and at minimum, frozen as a durable policy tool).

  • For Canada, the ruling does not touch the most biting tariffs: sectoral/national security tools (notably Section 232) remain the active battlefield for steel, aluminum, autos and other targeted categories.

  • RBC Economics hammers home that point in ‘Preserving CUSMA exemptions: Canada’s real priority amid U.S. IEEPA ruling.’“By our count, 89% of Canadian exports to the U.S. in December were not charged with tariffs because they’re compliant with rules of origin requirements in CUSMA. That leaves IEEPA measures only effective on less than 5% of exports to the U.S. In December (with the remainder accounted for by Section 232 tariffs), Canada faced an average effective U.S. tariff of 3.1%—the lowest of all major U.S. trade partners.



Canada: less blanket risk, key sectors remain exposed

  • The ruling weakens Washington’s negotiating power by removing the credibility of instantaneous escalation. Future tariffs must pass through investigations, evidentiary standards, and consultation.

  • Industries exposed to higher input costs, retailers sensitive to consumer prices, vulnerable agricultural exporters, and opposed politicians will have more opportunity to intervene before tariffs take effect.

  • The economic pain of 232 tariffs remains but the credibility of economy-wide escalation declines, improving predictability—a meaningful advantage for negotiations and investment decisions tied to North American supply chains.

  • Integration becomes a stronger argument. When tariffs require justification through formal investigations, deeply embedded cross-border supply chains become evidence against disruption.

Expect tariffs to persist, but with more politics attached

  • The administration will try to rebuild tariff leverage using other statutes, but those tools require more process, justification and time.

  • Canada can treat this as an opening to shape the record, not as an off-ramp from tariff risk. If the battlefield shifts toward investigations and consultations, Canada will need to make the case that tariffs are self-defeating for the U.S.

Coalition-building becomes more decisive

  • The most effective counterweight to new tariffs will often be U.S. stakeholders with skin in the game: downstream manufacturers, retailers, farmers, state governments, and industry associations that can credibly argue costs, shortages, and lost competitiveness.

  • Canada’s best outcomes will come from identifying where U.S. dependence is highest (inputs, components, energy-intensive processing, regional supply chains) and turning those into politically legible arguments.

What we’ll be watching closely going forward

1. Which alternative tools the Trump administration prioritizes, and whether it doubles down on using Section 232 tariffs.

2. Whether the White House seeks negotiated “wins” that substitute for tariffs: procurement commitments, investment announcements, or sectoral carve-outs.

3. How quickly and effectively U.S. industry groups and state actors coalesce around this momentum swing to further curtail White House trade power.

4. The legal and fiscal ramifications. The court did not decide whether revenues collected under IEEPA must be returned, leaving potentially US$175 billion subject to litigation. Pressure to issue large-scale repayments will be vehemently opposed but will reinforce opposition, potentially induce fiscal pressure, and complicate any attempts to rebuild a similar tariff regime.

— Thomas Ashcroft

Also in this edition: What the future could hold for Canada’s auto industry

Agreements from Washington’s inaugural Critical Minerals Ministerial are still being digested, which saw bilateral frameworks with over a dozen trade partners and the unveiling of Project Vault.

Notably, Canada wasn’t among the signatories. So as America rewires the global minerals order, does Canada stand to gain or be left behind?

Why It Matters

Project Vault is America’s attempt to build a Strategic Petroleum Reserve for critical minerals. The problem: the SPR analogy breaks down in a way that matters enormously for Canada.

The original SPR worked because the U.S. had vast domestic refining capacity—stored crude to be converted into refined fuels along the Gulf Coast. Today, North America has almost none of the processing infrastructure needed to convert raw critical minerals into the refined compounds that defense, semiconductors, and EVs ultimately require.

So Project Vault faces a fundamental paradox: stockpile raw ore with no capacity to process it; stockpile refined material almost certainly bought from China—the very dependency the U.S. is trying to hedge.

By the Numbers

  • US$15 billion—EXIM Bank financing already mobilized across allied minerals projects globally, before Project Vault

  • US$12 billion—Project Vault financing (US$10 billion from the U.S. Export-Import Bank and US$2 billion in private capital)

  • 60-day supply target buffer for strategic minerals

  • 15 bilateral frameworks signed this week alone—including the EU, Japan, UAE.

  • China’s refining grip98% gallium, 91% rare earth magnets, 96% battery-grade graphite, 79% cobalt

  • Canada’s position—71% of U.S. unwrought aluminum imports; Quebec’s Vaudreuil refinery is one of only two alumina refineries left in North America.

  • Project Vault covers all 60 critical minerals on the USGS list, many of which are core economic exports for Canada

The Bigger Picture

The U.S. isn’t building a multilateral framework—the word chosen deliberately at the ministerial was plurilateral. A smaller, aligned coalition setting its own rules, coordinating price floors, and directing investment collectively. Through EXIM and Project Vault, this architecture is being built in real-time.

Energy-intensive refining and smelting, the very processes needed to turn minerals reserve into usable industrial inputs, on paper at least, is a good set up for Canada. Our clean and cost competitive power (hydro, nuclear) complements existing mineral deposits, which, with integrated rail networks, allow for better full-cycle economics than stand-alone processing and refining operations.

Bottom Line

Canada’s critical minerals endowment is arguably its most important bilateral tool heading into the CUSMA renegotiation. Its broader integration into U.S. supply chains—across aluminum, copper, nickel, zinc and manganese— limits being phased-out to a large extent. If Canada can secure explicit recognition of Canadian content in U.S. value chains, via CUSMA assisted by Project Vault’s predictive offtake and access to U.S. capital, it is a clear win.

That said, our minerals chip depreciates with each passing day. Every bilateral framework Washington signs with another partner narrows Canada’s relative leverage, especially if CUSMA negotiations extend into 2027. And at a time when investment decisions at times are less about economics and more a price of admission to the U.S. market (read: Korea Zinc JV).

Threading that needle will be the challenge.

– Shaz Merwat

RBC economist Farhad Pananov was at The Globe and Mail’s Future of Automotive event this week. Here’s some of what he heard:

  • Strategic investments in the auto sector have fallen off compared to just to a few years ago when manufacturers were setting long-term pivots.

  • While panelists heaped plenty of praise on Canada’s highly skilled and educated labour force and diversified local economies, it was clear what the country’s greatest advantage is access to the second largest auto market in the world. For now, at least.

  • The Canada-China EV deal, which will facilitate the import of 49,000 Chinese EVs a year at low tariff rates, was met with skepticism in the room: Which brands will come to Canada? Will Canadians actually buy them?

The answer to that last question could all come down to the price…

U.S. lawmakers rebuke Trump’s Canada tariffs 

  • The U.S. House of Representatives voted to rescind tariffs on Canadian goods, the same week President Trump threatened to block the opening of the Gordie Howe International Bridge because of trade disputes. 

  • While the President will likely veto the motion, Wednesday’s vote was backed by six Republicans, indicating growing discontent with Trump’s trade policies and threats. 

U.S. agriculture industry lobbies for CUSMA continuation

  • Over 40 U.S. agricultural groups have formed a coalition to support the Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade agreement, emphasizing the economic benefits it brings to rural communities and American farmlands.

  • The advocacy campaign is targeting members of Congress, the White House, and the President, with economic analysis that shows Canada and Mexico account for approximately one-third of the value of U.S. agricultural exports. 

U.K. government signals closer alignment with Europe

  • Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced the U.K. is prepared to unilaterally align with the EU’s single market rules in sectors like financial services to reduce trade barriers, describing closer integration with the EU as the “biggest prize” for U.K. growth, pivoting away from prioritizing non-European trade deals.

  • The Labour government has been reticent to reopen Brexit as a political issue but are beginning to look more fondly at closer integration with the EU as they search for ways to boost economic growth. 

— Thomas Ashcroft

Also in this edition: Canada’s trade with non-U.S. markets is hitting all-time highs and the U.S. looks to create a critical minerals trading bloc to rival China

The Liberal government’s much-anticipated auto-sector strategy reinstates electric vehicle incentives, eliminates EV sales mandates, invests in expanding the EV charging network, and offers incentives and tax breaks for global auto makers to build in the country.

It’s all in response to U.S. tariffs, and the looming threat that President Donald Trump might tear up CUSMA in the coming months.

Of course, Prime Minister Mark Carney is hoping to preserve CUSMA and build on its North American supply chain advantages to a new set of investors. But even if Canada’s access to the U.S. market is no longer unfettered, Ottawa can point to several reasons why European and Asian countries may want to set up their auto shop in Canada:

  • Canadians buy a lot of pricey cars and SUVs: Canada is the world’s 9th-largest auto market, with ~1.9 million vehicles sold annually—skewed toward higher-value SUVs and trucks, with a robust servicing and after-market (courtesy of our harsh winters). OEMs also now compete for high-margin customers, not volume. Canadians buy a lot of cars, including a lot of expensive (read: high margin) cars.

  • Asian carmakers want a North American hub: With 7.2 million global sales in 2024, the combined Korean power of Hyundai-Kia edged out GM and Stellantis for the third spot in the global rankings. However, the companies’ manufacturing footprint and market share remains Asia-heavy, creating an incentive to rebalance toward North America. Canada could become a second North American production zone, hedging geopolitical, climate, and labour risks.

  • Canada is critical to global supply chains: Our store of critical minerals (nickel, cobalt, lithium, graphite), batteries, parts ecosystem, and reliable, clean power offer supply chain integrity at low cost. Just ask Volkswagen.

  • The Ontario-Quebec corridor is an auto-tech Silicon Valley: Canada’s strengths in AI, autonomy, and software—the frontier of future value creation for the auto industry—further enhances the offering.

  • Canada is a free-trade haven: It stands to reason that Canada will secure some form of market access to the U.S. that makes an auto trade possible. We shouldn’t forget the 14 other free trade agreements we’ve signed that cover 50+ countries, 1.5 billion consumers, and 60% of global GDP.

— Jordan Brennan

According to RBC Economist Claire Fan:

“Despite the deteriorating trade balance, Canadian exporters continue to show signs of partial diversification into non-U.S. markets. Goods exports to non-U.S. destinations were 29% above year-ago levels in November, while goods imports from non-U.S. markets rose 18%—both near or at all-time highs.”

U.S. looks to create a critical minerals trading bloc rivalling China

  • At a Washington summit, attended by representatives from more than 50 nations, the U.S. outlined a vision for a rare earths trade zone, using tariffs to create a price floor for minerals and drawing on the respective strengths of partner countries across the value chain, to counter Chinese dominance.

  • Several bilateral deals were struck, including U.S. “Action Plans” with Mexico, the EU and Japan, to develop coordinated trade policies.

  • Foreign Minister Anita Anand said more details were needed before agreeing to such a framework, which would play a role and potentially give Canada some leverage in upcoming CUSMA negotiations.  

Trump and Modi broker trade truce

  • Washington committed to cutting tariffs on Indian goods from 50% to 18%, in return for New Delhi stopping its purchases of Russian oil.

  • While details on the timing of the tariff changes and other trade barrier reductions remain vague, the amelioration of some of Trump’s most punitive tariffs gave a boost to U.S.-listed shares of Indian companies.

Red Sea reopening adds to shipping overcapacity pressures

  • As Houthi attacks on the critical shipping lane subside, and Suez Canal transit rises, container companies are bracing for pressures on their bottom line if freight rates lower and oversupply worsens.

  • Danish group AP Møller-Maersk, the world’s second largest container shipping company, announced its first operating loss in years and plans to cut jobs to insulate these impacts.

  • Naval escorts have become a necessity for container ships passing through the Red Sea, and tensions between Iran, the U.S. and Israel remain a threat to the stability of the passage.

Ottawa indicates foreign aid will be increasingly tied to trade objectives

  • Randeep Sarai, Secretary of State for International Development, said Canada’s development and humanitarian spending will focus more on opportunities that create “mutual prosperity.”

  • As it reduces the foreign aid budget, the government will look to use the distribution of these dollars as a tool with countries that Canada wants to increase trade with.

— Thomas Ashcroft

Also in this edition: Tariff lawsuits ramp up, Canada-India relations are re-energized, and two economic giants strike the “mother of all trade deals.”

On the same day the International Monetary Fund released a report showing that the removal of internal trade barriers in Canada could result in a 7% boost in real GDP, an important discussion took place at the Canadian Club of Toronto.

Two of Canada’s top CEOs—Tracy Robinson of CN Rail and Max Koeune of McCain Foods—joined Sean Strickland of Canada’s Building Trades Unions for a discussion with the Business Council of Canada’s Goldy Hyder, on the big changes that Canada needs to make to infrastructure development, business regulation and immigration.

Here are some bottlenecks we need to fix—quickly:

  • Canada is among the worst in the OECD in days lost to labour disruptions. That means our connective tissue to the world—ports, rail, sea lanes—are MIA when the rest of the world is expecting us to be on time.

  • The TMX oil pipeline expansion took longer to permit than to build. Just one of many agonizing stories about our glacial speed of permitting and other approvals.

  • Despite massive shortages in the skilled trades, our provinces are bringing in paltry numbers through immigration. Who else is going to build all those big projects?

  • It’s easier regulation-wise to export food to the U.S. than between provinces. When will we get to the one economy idea?

What needs to be done?

Robinson said we need to review our approach to labour negotiations to ensure the economy doesn’t get shut down as often as it does, especially in a world when other countries are happy to see that happen.

Strickland pushed for better labour force planning, to ensure we’re recruiting the right people and right numbers for the right needs in our economy. We’ve talked about that for years. It’s solvable.

Koeune called for immigration reforms that would give permanent residency applicants a clearer view of how long it will take, and where their application is at. He called the system a “black box,” which I’ve heard from plenty of other employers in recent months.

We can’t take on the world if we don’t take on our own challenges first.

Elbows up, fine. Heads up, better.

–John Stackhouse

Companies suing the U.S. government following Supreme Court hearing

Since the Supreme Court’s November 5th hearing on the legality of U.S. tariffs, more than 1,000 companies, including Costco, Revlon and Ray-Ban, have sued the Donald Trump administration. The reason? If the highest court in the land strikes down the tariffs (verdict date unknown), the suitors hope to recoup some of the money they allege has been lost due to tariffs.

Record Canadian oil output finds new markets

  • Despite weak global prices, Canada’s oil industry is pumping record volumes and boosting exports to Asian markets, particularly China where sales more than quadrupled last year, as well as India and South Korea.  

  • Though most Canada’s oil exports still go to the U.S., the sector’s resilience, record output driven by expanded pipeline capacity, and growth in Asian markets, is boosting oil majors’ shares and strengthening the country’s economic diversification drive. Expect more calls for additional pipeline capacity, to sustain this trend.

Canada-India pursue apolitical, reliable energy trade

  • As diplomatic relations continue to improve, officials pledged that Canada would supply more crude oil, liquefied natural gas, and liquefied petroleum gas to India, and that more refined petroleum products will be sent the other way.

  • Energy minister Tim Hodgson noted that India represents the fastest-growing source of energy demand while assuring his counterparts “we will never use our energy for coercion.” The relaunch of a “ministerial energy dialogue” between Canada and India promises to facilitate greater reciprocal investment and collaboration in other areas including hydrogen, uranium, biofuels, batter storage, critical minerals, electricity, and AI.   

  • India’s High Commissioner to Canada said Prime Minister Carney will likely visit India in March, and that under his government no longer views Canada as the “younger brother” of the U.S.

India and EU agree “mother of all trade deals”

  • As Washington targets both with steep tariffs, two of the world’s biggest markets have agreed a trade deal that,  once in effect, will eliminate tariffs on more than 90% of goods, marking a new era in economic relations.

  • The two sides made no secret of the fact this breakthrough was catalyzed by U.S. trade policy, to soften the blow of tariffs and increase their economic autonomy. This will result in boosts to India’s export of manufactured goods and give the EU preferential access to a massive, growing market.

  • The EU is already one of India’s largest trading partners, and while India is only the EU’s ninth-trading partner, the EU predicts its exports there to double by 2032. Negotiations over an Investment Protection Agreement are ongoing.

–Thomas Ashcroft

The World Economic Forum this year became a tale of two Davoses.

Inside the main Congress Centre, a record number of attendees, including 850 CEOs, 80 tech billionaires and founders, hundreds of ministers and 65 heads of government spent the week hearing about the decline of globalization and the inward turn of societies.

Outside, it was a very different world. On the town’s main promenade, you couldn’t walk 50 metres without feeling like you were in a mash-up of Wall Street, Silicon Valley and the United Nations, as countries from Brazil to Indonesia and companies from Tech Mahindra to Pinterest pitched themselves to the passing kaleidoscope of a crowd.

Mark Carney called this new environment one of “variable geometry.” Others called it a new age of “multi-alignment”—as if the global economy is becoming a bit more of a bartering and babbling souk than a tightly wired marketplace. By any name, the emerging world order, or disorder, seems as slippery and risky as the icy streets of Davos. Here’s some of what to look out for:

Last year, a day after his second inauguration, Donald Trump spoke by video to the Forum and promised a golden age for America. This time, he came in person to proclaim victory. With five cabinet secretaries and hundreds of American CEOs in tow, the President spent an extraordinary two days in the Swiss Alps projecting a 21st century version of American power. This is no stay-at-home superpower. In Trump’s vision, the world will trade and prosper more than ever, on America’s terms.  Close to three-quarters of global trade is still compliant with WTO rules. Inventory build-ups helped many companies escape the initial tariffs. A greater impact may come this year. But for the most part, “it’s still holding,” said Christine Lagarde, head of the European Central Bank, arguing the global economy is so intricate and intertwined even the U.S. cannot unravel it. Trump’s more mercantile Pax America is not just economic. He came with an unsolicited bid for Greenland that was rejected by his closest NATO allies. He left with a Board of Peace, supported by an unlikely collection of 19 countries with a combined GDP of $5 trillion, roughly equal to Germany. Only four (Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Turkiye) are in NATO, and only four (Argentina, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Turkiye) are in the G20. Will Trump be able to expand America’s reach without stronger partners? Or is this the new geometry of power?

Mark Carney, long viewed as the quintessential “Davos Man,” gave a keynote speech that was widely celebrated for capturing the distraught mood of many there and crystallizing the desire for a new approach to international affairs. His tag line—“nostalgia is not a strategy”—resonated. Now he has to deliver on diversification. There’s no easy path. Canada’s closest allies in Europe are each struggling, economically and politically, weakened by the Ukraine war, immigration crises and a growing appeal of nationalism, which is now the biggest political force on the continent. Europe’s biggest economy, Germany, narrowly escaped a recession last year, after two years of decline. Chancellor Friedrich Merz called Europe “world champions of over-regulation” and at risk of losing its unity if it doesn’t reform. Canada will need more distant partners, too, particularly China and India, which the WEF estimates will account for nearly 40% of global economic growth over the next five years. Both emerging giants can be as tough as Trump when it comes to trade. The Persian Gulf beckons, too, with trillions of dollars of capital investment. But there, too, a new generation of economic partners have different political and legal systems—and social customs—to the neighbourhood where Canada grew up.

High above Davos, someone carved a message into a mountaintop glacier: “No King.” It was probably meant for the visiting U.S. President but equally could have been a message from European markets to the mighty greenback. King Dollar had a rough week, facing big questions as global trade winds shift, and countries and companies look to re-orient capital flows. The dollar still dominates 88% of global foreign exchange transactions, and 54% of global trade, which is why so many still cite TINA (There Is No Alternative). Or is there? The WEF opened to the startling news that Denmark’s largest pension funds had dumped U.S. treasuries in retaliation to the Greenland threat. A risk-off America vibe sent U.S. bond yields higher, reducing hopes for broader rate cuts. In moments like this, investors tended to stay in America, through real estate or stocks. This time, at least among Europeans, there was plenty of corridor chatter about a secular shift forming. One fund manager said his investors had asked him to sell down U.S. holdings. A few American tech executives said long-time European clients were cancelling orders. The euro, yen and Canadian dollar may play greater roles. The renminbi should gain prominence, although is years away from being a serious global alternative. Uneasy lies its head, but there’s still only one king wearing the currency crown.

The World Economic Forum was created in the 1970s to help Europe avoid the rise of socialism, and turn instead to free markets. A half century later, much of the West is again turning to the state to meet various economic ambitions—and the risks are evident. As countries, Canada included, seek to build back their militaries, build up their own technology foundations and become less reliant on the U.S.—home to roughly half the world’s financial capital—they are looking to leverage their own balance sheet and use other tools to direct capital to national priorities. These ambitions are so pronounced that many prime ministers and presidents seemed more like investment bankers working the Davos crowd. Advanced economies like Australia, Norway, Germany and South Korea do indeed have capacity to borrow more for investment, as do many emerging economic powers like Saudi Arabia. But capitalism is about more than capital; it’s about putting capital to work, with results. Singapore’s president, Tharman Shanmugaratnam, offered some sage advice, urging these new nation-state capitalists to be ruthless with investing, and with spending and regulation, too. Growth requires governments to focus on productive investments, including education, rather than redistribution—and a humble recognition that governments are inherently weak at building economic enterprises. If this new shot at state capitalism is to work, a new mindset will be needed, too.

Right after Donald Trump was first elected President, Xi Jinping came to Davos, to offer up China as a global leader for an emerging age. In the ensuing decade, Beijing has delivered—in renewable energy, nuclear power, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals and AI. So much so that Xi no longer needs to be there. This time, while the U.S. and Europe shouted at each other, he sent one of his less powerful vice premiers, He Lifeng, to position their country as a defender of multilateral trade and “inclusive globalization.” China experts said Beijing is not missing a moment to quietly advance its two biggest priorities—reunification with Taiwan and AI supremacy. Xi sees AI as critical to China’s future, and DeepSeek 4, the next-generation AI model expected in February, will show how far China’s come. On that other front, it’s believed the Chinese military, which conducted naval exercises around Taiwan at New Year’s, is ready to take the island by force, if necessary, within a year, which would give it sway over the world’s semiconductor industry that is so essential to AI. Democratic Senator Chris Coons, who was at Davos, fears the U.S. Administration doesn’t appreciate the need for “a network of allies with core values” to contain China. We’ll get a clearer picture when Trump and Xi meet in April, but don’t expect a grand bargain between the hegemons. Best case, Coons said, may be a series of “small landing points” to keep the world in balance.

Data centres seem to be eating the world, electron by electron. But will the capital be there again in 2026 to feed their financial appetite? Data centre spending surpassed $500 billion last year, and when combined with broader electricity needs, according to McKinsey, may total $6.7 trillion over the next five years. The world has never seen an infrastructure boom like this. Data centre construction is now the single biggest contributor to U.S. economic growth; tech spending as a share of all investment is now running 50% higher than it was during the broadband boom of 2000, and triple what the U.S. spent on Interstate highways in the 1960s. Vacancy rates for data centres recently hit a record low of 1.6%, as developers bid up available spaces. “We may need more,” said Larry Fink, CEO of Blackrock. “If we don’t scale, China wins.” Equinix, a large data centre player, faces ten times the demand for every new unit they build. Land is no longer the constraint; energy is, as a medium-sized centre requires the energy of a small town. Such operations last year accounted for two-thirds of U.S. load growth, making them a new political target in boom states like Virginia and Ohio where electricity prices have soared. They’re also a growing concern in Africa and South-east Asia, the world’s fastest-growing regions, where countries have found themselves outbid for gas turbines and other power equipment.

The next energy crisis won’t be fueled by oil or gas; it will be strained by the world’s faltering electricity grids. Electricity demand globally is rising three times faster than total energy demand, driven by air conditioning and electric vehicles, as well as data centres. While 90% of Americans have access to air conditioning, the number is 20% in India, 18% in Indonesia and 5% in Nigeria—each with some of the world’s fastest-growing cities. Add to that the growing demand for EVs, which now account for a quarter of global car sales, up from 5% in just five years. Fatih Birol, head of the International Energy Agency, said the world will need 10,000 terra-watts of new electricity in the next decade, which is the equivalent of adding another U.S., Canada, Europe and Japan. Without any innovation breakthroughs, that would require 70% more copper, and a vast expansion of steel and critical minerals processing. Developments in large-scale battery storage and grid digitalization offer some hope, as most electricity systems still suffer a gross mismatch of supply and demand. But an unfortunate truth remains: it’s easier and faster to build power plants than it is to add transmission and distribution. Take this recent experience in Europe: the continent added 80 gigawatts of renewable energy supply only to find it didn’t have the capacity to transmit all that new electricity.

There were two vastly telling moments in Davos’s main Congress Hall, one speaking to scarcity, the other to abundance. Donald Trump went off script to lambaste renewable energy, especially wind which he said was for “losers.” A day later, Elon Musk used the same stage to profess a glorious future for renewables, especially solar which he said could power all of America if he had his way. Just give him a parcel of land, 160 kilometres by 160 kilometres, and tariff-free solar panels! Away from North America, renewables are still the driver of energy growth and have shifted from a “transition” source to a default for new supply in many markets. Europe reached roughly 50% renewable generation in 2024. In other fast-growing markets, renewables are increasingly seen as energy additions, not just replacements for fossil fuels. Falling battery costs (solar is down roughly 80% in India) and longer lifetimes (30–35 years) have helped shift economics from a simple cost per unit to a cost per lifecycle. But reliability remains a challenge, which will require more battery storage, pumped hydro, and hybrid round-the-clock systems. But that’s happening in places like India, which has installed 2.7 million rooftop solar systems and 3.1 million solarized pumps and has already hit its 2030 target for renewables to account for roughly 50% of non-fossil fuel energy.

AI has shifted from an experimental technology to foundational infrastructure—and now an operating system for companies and governments. The competitive advantage is not just model innovation; it’s diffusion and how fast firms can beat their competitors to transform. As diffusion accelerates, Anthropic co-founder and CEO Dario Amodei sees 2026 as the year when AI systems build AI systems, including within firms, in ways that could upend entire business models. Demis Hassabis, co-founder and CEO of DeepMind, said the advantage will go to “continuous learners” who track what models are doing and adjust strategies and workflows. Seizing that approach, most CEOs have taken AI ownership out of the tech department and parked it on their desk. A BCG survey, released at Davos, found that 72% of global CEOs see AI as a core part of their mandate, with half believing it will define their tenure. Companies plan to double AI spending this year, even though a 2025 MIT study found very few adopters had seen a financial return. David Sacks, the Silicon Valley guru who is Donald Trump’s AI czar, sees the need for leaders, in government, business and media, to dispel fears, and embrace the chance to disrupt and innovate. He cited another study that found 83% of Chinese are optimistic about AI, compared to 39% of Americans. Sacks worries that “a fit of pessimism” will result in the U.S. losing the AI race due to what he described as a “self-inflicted injury.”

There’s a new financial math for AI. It’s what Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella calls “tokens per dollar per watt”—basically the energy cost per unit of compute. Think of it as a kind of basic wage and productivity measure for AI. And the companies, and countries, that can drive down that unit cost will be positioned to win in the data economy. This new math may fundamentally change the nature of human work, too. Think of it as “data x energy x labour = success.” The C-suite consensus at Davos seemed to be that labour, like data and energy, will be needed even more. CEOs said the entry-level “job cliff” is overstated; the real problem is a widening skills mismatch, as most roles will require a re-bundling of tasks and skills. The winners will be the workers (and firms) that can integrate and operate with AI. This transformation is resetting corporate ladders, especially in professional services and governments, where basic tasks like document review, screening and modelling can be done by machines. New apprenticeship designs will be the hot HR need, to build judgement, context, and supervision skills. More model design and modification will be pushed to the frontlines, where employees can create small pieces of automation to transform their work. All this can flatten organizations, and give advantage to those with abundant data, cheap energy and AI-savvy teams.

Growing divisions in the world, and within countries, is a matter of trust. And we’re losing it. Stefanie Stantcheva, a Harvard economist, finds it’s especially acute for her generation—those under 40—who see a zero-sum world and their slice shrinking. She shared research at Davos showing how distrust now spans the political spectrum, with a wide range of millennials feeling other groups have captured government agendas through mainstream media, corporate influence and old-school politics. That tension will grow as aging voters in the West demand more income and health security, perhaps at the cost of economic and national security. The Edelman Trust Barometer, which surveys 34,000 people in 28 countries and is released annually at Davos, found societies sliding from grievance into insularity; seven in 10 people are hesitant or unwilling to trust those with different values, backgrounds, or information sources. Trust is also shifting away from institutions to “people like me,” neighbours, co-workers, and one’s CEO. Business is now seen as both most competent and most ethical, surpassing NGOs on ethics for the first time, while government and media remain the least trusted. Most starkly, optimism is fading: in many countries, majorities no longer believe they or their families will be better off in five years, citing economic anxiety, AI, misinformation, and global conflicts.

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To judge by Davos’s main promenade, globalization is alive and well. Yes, the U.S. took over a church and shop to celebrate America First. But there were far more storefronts promoting Brazil, Indonesia, the Philippines and Nigeria. India wrapped an entire hotel on the promenade, where thousands schlepped every morning from their crash pads to the Congress Centre, and back at night from dinners and nightcaps.

Is this a false spring, just like the mild week in Davos? Or the beginning of what Christine Lagarde called “Plan B” and a more diversified global economy?

The European Central Bank president told the closing session of the World Economic Forum that she “is not on the same page” as Mark Carney’s view of a global rupture—but does see an important diversification of trade underway.

According to the WEF’s own research, close to half of global growth over the next five years (2025-30) will come from Asia, with China accounting for 23% and India another 15%, while the U.S. will produce 11%. Combined, the G7 will account for only 18.5% of growth. 

If it feels like a new age of diversification, one should never forget the gravitational pull of the two economic superpowers, which over the past decade (and longer) have consumed much of the world’s capital and trade. Case in point: China now accounts for about 40% of published studies on drug research, while Europe’s share has dropped from 20% to 12%. Guess where most of the world’s drugs will come from in the 2030s.

With so much in flux, who will dominate the world’s future trade zones? I came away from Davos thinking three forces will help shape the answer:

1. Balance-sheet strength. We may be on the verge of some heavy government (and perhaps private sector) borrowing to underwrite all that’s needed for diversification—from new supply chains to infrastructure. Points to the U.S. for owning the world’s reserve currency, but a range of middle powers—Germany and Canada, among them—can borrow plenty on their own.

2. Artificial Intelligence. It’s sucking up much of the world’s private capital, and will determine a lot of trade outcomes as it (along with robotics) transforms production. Yes, the U.S. and China dominate, but if AI becomes available to all, like the Internet, advantage will go to those with energy to power all those learning algorithms and the entrepreneurial brains to put the results to work. The eight biggest U.S. tech companies have $18 trillion of equity value to leverage—and a lot more domestic energy than China or Europe.

3. Demographics. It’s the sleeper trend, as the West (and Far East) tumble over demographic cliffs. Even in an age of AI, trade still relies on humans to help make and ship things and humans to buy those things. Africa’s population is on course to hit 2.5 billion by 2050, when it will be home to 25% of the world’s working age population. 

Some shrewd advice I heard was for companies to think country, supplier and currency—and have an option for each. Call it a matrix of Plan Bs. Or what Carney termed “variable geometry.” 

It’s the new math.

John Stackhouse

Bank of Canada Q4 survey shows Canadian businesses continue to be negatively impacted by trade tensions, but some are increasing non-U.S. exports

  • 33% of Canadian firms reported they are strongly impacted by U.S. trade policies. A small but increasing share of businesses reported higher sales to non-US markets. Despite weaker sales to U.S. customers, most exporters to the U.S. have not diversified into other markets citing barriers like investment in specialized equipment, compliance with regulatory requirements, and transportation costs.

  • This signals, albeit modestly, that Canadian firms are willing to expand in other markets. However, immediate economic pressures are significantly constraining hiring, investment, and diversification efforts.

Canada agrees to new partnership with Qatar to cooperate on trade, investment, and defence

  • Canada and Qatar agreed to conclude FIPA negotiations, signed an MoU to establish a Joint Economic Committee (JEC), expand air services, and increase defence collaboration (including more exports from Canada’s defence sector).

  • This is the latest in a series of wins, following last week’s agreement with China, for the Canadian government’s diversification efforts. The value of merchandise trade between Canada and Qatar in 2024 was $325 million, leaving lots of room for growth.

European lawmakers delay Mercosur trade pact over legal concerns

  • EU ratification of this agreement, decades in the making, with South American economies has been postponed by lawmakers seeking an opinion from the European Court of Justice.

  • This is the latest hurdle in a protracted process, following pressure from European farmers, which could delay the trade pact by a further two years. However, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz called on the European Commission to provisionally apply the deal, which would create one of the world’s largest free-trade zones, covering over 700 million people, and ~20% of global GDP, in recognition of the current “geopolitical situation.”

 First Chinese order of Canadian canola in months comes following trade mission

  • Prime Minister Mark Carney’s visit to Beijing has led to a Chinese importer buying 60,000 metric tons of Canadian canola, the first cargo order of its kind since China halted imports in October. This comes as China is expected to lower tariffs on Canadian canola to 15%. Canadian agriculture minister Heath MacDonald encouraged Chinese investment in Canada’s agri-food sector this week, highlighting the potential for collaboration in domestic value-added processing and research.

  • Saskatchewan, Canada’s biggest canola-producing province and the province with the highest year-over-year growth in wholesale trade, is especially well positioned to capitalize. Premier Scott Moe (who was on the trip to China) has emphasized the benefits for his province and Canada’s agricultural industry more broadly.   

Thomas Ashcroft

EV sales by country

Canada plans to allow 49,000 made-in-China EVs at much lower tariffs in return for easing levies on Canadian agricultural products. Here is what you need to know about the deal and its implications:

  • About half of the vehicles imported from China are expected to cost less than $35,000 by 2030. Average EV purchase price in Canada in 2024-25 was around $67,000.

  • Canadian EV sales were projected to remain largely flat in 2026 following a 30% decline last year. To size up Chinese imports, 49,000 would represent a quarter of Canada’s annual EV market. Ontario Premier Doug Ford is worried it could impact sales—and jobs—from existing manufacturers.

  • Europe’s strategy could serve as an alternative roadmap for Canada on autos: The continent worked with Chinese carmakers to level the playing field, and set targeted tariffs aimed at offsetting the impact of subsidies. Even with that, however, Chinese brands have captured 10-15% of the EV segment in Europe.

  • The Canada-China thaw comes ahead of critical CUSMA renegotiations that could disrupt the 80% of Canadian exports that enter the U.S. market tariff-free. Could it further complicate U.S.-Canada negotiations?

Farhad Panahov

The U.S. loves heavy oil. The blend is vital for diesel, jet fuel and petrochemicals, and Canada is, by some distance, its biggest foreign supplier. However, a U.S. plan to influence and revive Venezuelan oil has raised concerns that Canada—already facing U.S. pressure on several other domestic industries—could start losing market share to Venezuelan heavy crude in a few years. It could amount to a Washington squeeze on Canada’s most prized resource.

Imports of crude and liquids into the U.S., the millions of barrels per calendar day

U.S. crude import patterns reflect a clear structural divergence between Canada and Venezuela. The result is a fundamental reorientation of U.S. import dependence toward Canadian supply, reinforced by reliability, infrastructure, and long-cycle capital investment.

U.S. Imports, millions of barrels per calendar day

Venezuelan crude once dominated Gulf Coast imports, but its collapse created space that has only partially been filled by Canadian barrels. The Gulf Coast is seen as a battleground, but only 10% of total Canadian imports flow into the region known as PADD 3. Most Canadian crude growth has occurred within the Midwest refinery region, known as PADD 2, which accounts for 69% of total Canadian export growth into the U.S. over the past three decades.

Total U.S. Refining capacity by refining region, millions of barrels per stream day

U.S. refining capacity growth has been concentrated in PADD 3 and PADD 2, reinforcing the system’s orientation toward large-scale, complex refining hubs. The Gulf Coast’s dominance reflects decades of investment designed to process heavier and more diverse crude slates, positioning it as both a domestic refining centre and a globally relevant supply hub.

Total U.S. coking operating capacity by refining region, millions of barrels per stream day

Coking capacity remains a defining feature of the U.S. system’s ability to process heavy crude, with the majority of investment concentrated along the Gulf Coast. The steady build-out of coking units over time highlights how refiners structurally adapted assets to heavier barrels, further entrenching supply relationships that favor Canadian crude.

U.S. Total Crude + Product Exports, millions per barrel per calendar day

The U.S. energy system is increasingly focused on exports, with petroleum products accounting for majority of outbound volumes over time. This underscores the Gulf Coast’s role not only as a refining hub, but as a critical petrochemical and export platform. For Canada it reinforces the importance of market access, blending, refining, and re-export pathways within an evolving global trade landscape.

U.S. investments in western hemisphere in the mining, quarrying, oil and gas extraction sector

For all the cross-border integration, U.S. capital investment in the Canadian resource sector (mining, oil and gas) has fallen by more than half from its US$39.1 billion peak in 2011. Meanwhile, U.S. investments into other Western Hemisphere countries has steadily grown from US$16 billion in 2000 to US$64 billion in 2024, even without Venezuela.

The competition for investment dollars from the U.S. into the Western Hemisphere is growing—Canada will need to lock in American capital to ensure it preserves its pre-eminent position in the U.S. market.

By John Stackhouse

Tariffs don’t take a holiday and we can assume President Donald Trump won’t either.

Trump used his decorative holiday message to the nation this week to portray himself as a Santa Claus of trade:

  • Tariffs are one of his great achievements, saying it is bringing record investment to the U.S.

  • Tariffs will help pay for the “warrior dividend” to 1.45 million U.S. military personnel.

  • Tariffs are leading to lower prices.

We will see later in 2026 (hello, midterms) if Americans agree. But expect the President to charge into 2026 on a tariff high, even if, as expected, the Supreme Court rules that he’s overstepped his powers. How? The White House can quickly rebuild the tariff wall, using Section 122 and 301 powers that would keep tariffs in place, although the expected rate might drop from the current 16% average to perhaps 10%.

Three questions for the New Year:

  • Will countries look to retaliate, even with non-tariff barriers?

  • Can Congress afford to pass tax cuts and tariff cuts?

  • Can Canada afford to play for time?

Mark Carney seems resigned to the “no deal” scenario, and with it a long slog for CUSMA negotiations. The biggest near-term challenges will be around digital services, lumber and rules of origin for auto manufacturers, each with its own economic and political calculus:

  • expect the U.S. to continue to push for more concessions for online media, particularly for Meta, which could face blowback in Quebec where cultural protections (including subsidies for local media) will be a red line for an expected Parti Quebecois government in 2026;

  • expect the U.S., facing a soft housing market, to continue to hammer B.C. (and New Brunswick) with softwood lumber measures;

  • expect Doug Ford to push hard again for favourable access to the U.S. auto market for Ontario assembly plants. 

Canada is not likely to get all three. Which means Carney may spend the holidays thinking through the coal that Santa has in mind for 2026. 

14257: The Executive Order signed by U.S. President Donald Trump on April 2 that imposed a 10% baseline tariff on imports from all U.S. trading partners.

90: Countries slapped with a tariff rate above the baseline 10% on “Liberation Day.”

2: White House visits by Prime Minister Mark Carney. The most recent was in early October during which Trump called Carney a “good man” who is doing “a great job.”

75 million: Dollars spent by Doug Ford’s Ontario government on an anti-tariff ad campaign featuring Ronald Reagan, which prompted Trump to call off negotiations with Canada. Ford claims the ad clocked 12.4 billion views.

US$35 trillion: Estimated value of global goods trade in 2025. Trade volumes hit record highs even as geopolitics fractured supply chains—proof that globalization is rewiring, not retreating.

50,000: Fewer manufacturing jobs in the U.S. since the start of the year.

US$1 trillion: China’s record trade surplus despite tensions with the U.S. Beijing exported US$3.4 trillion worth of goods in the first 11 months of the year by finding, in part, new markets, including Africa (+26%), Southeast Asia (+14%) and Latin America (+7.1%).

5: The industries that accounted for 80%of tariffs the U.S. collected from Canada, namely auto (28.8%), aluminum (23.3%), iron and steel (12.7%), machinery (8.8%), articles of iron and steel (8.3%).

$70 billion: The United Arab Emirates’ investment pledge for Canada, focused on the development of critical minerals, energy, ports and AI.

US$226.4 billion: U.S. exports to Mexico between January and August—surpassing the US$225.6 billion goods shipped to Canada—marking the first time in 30 years Mexico overtook Canada as a top destinations for exports.

$200 billion: The estimated value of the Canadian Mutual Recognition Agreement, which eliminates all barriers to trading goods (except food) between Canadian provinces and territories.

3x: Increase in global trade-restrictive measures since 2019. Tariffs, export controls, and subsidies are now structural features of trade policy—not temporary shocks.

10%: The amount of lumber exports  (enough to build 75,000 homes) that Canada’s forestry industry is planning to re-route from the U.S. to the U.K. and Europe.

100%: U.S. reliance on imports for 16 critical minerals (including graphite), with more than 50% import dependence for another 29, including zinc, cobalt, and nickel.

$600 billion: Canada’s non-U.S. export goal by 2035, as outlined in the 2025 federal budget–doubling the current amount.

$50 billion: The potential value of a trade partnership between Canada and India, which have renewed relations this year.

$100 billion: The annual value of Canada’s agri-food exports. Roughly 60% was destined for U.S. markets.

$994.63: The amount the average family in Canada can expect to pay more in groceries in 2026, compared to 2025. The toll of tariffs is impacting domestic food security, with one in four Canadians experiencing food insecurity.

86: Percentage of goods the U.S. imported from Canada in September that were duty free.

51: Number of days gold prices closed higher than previous all-time highs due to heightened geo-economic uncertainty.

28%: The increase in coffee prices year-over-year.

19%: Decline in Chinese exports to the U.S. this year.

US$244 billion: Total tariff revenues the U.S. has collected (January to November 2025)

1 million bpd: The potential capacity of a West Coast oil export pipeline at the heart of an MoU between the federal government and Alberta that would expand Alberta’s oil exports to Asia.

US$7 billion: The massive hit Michigan’s Big Three automakers—General Motors, Ford and Stellantis—expect on their earnings in 2025 from U.S. tariffs.