{"id":3657,"date":"1951-08-01T01:00:00","date_gmt":"1951-08-01T01:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.rbc.com\/en\/about-us\/history\/letter\/august-1951-vol-32-no-8-the-spirit-of-law-and-justice\/"},"modified":"2022-11-28T13:51:36","modified_gmt":"2022-11-28T13:51:36","slug":"august-1951-vol-32-no-8-the-spirit-of-law-and-justice","status":"publish","type":"rbc_letter","link":"https:\/\/www.rbc.com\/en\/about-us\/history\/letter\/august-1951-vol-32-no-8-the-spirit-of-law-and-justice\/","title":{"rendered":"August 1951 &#8211; Vol. 32, No. 8 &#8211; The Spirit of Law and Justice"},"content":{"rendered":"<div id=\"layout-column-main\">\n<p class=\"boldtext\">This article is not planned so much to tell                     the mechanics or machinery of administering law as it is to                     seek some knowledge of what justice is and may become.<\/p>\n<p>The search is perhaps not an idle one for people interested                     in learning the steps we should take if we are to realize                     in all its power that love of justice which is the central                     theme of human thought. From the earliest days of mankind,                     we have sought justice, and generation after generation has                     started the search anew.<\/p>\n<p>What seems wholly just to us today is likely only the merest                     pinpoint of what we should see if we were to shift our point                     of view. Our justice would appear full of faults were we to                     climb a little higher so that we might compare it with what                     we shall call justice tomorrow.<\/p>\n<p>But let us deal first with law. There is nothing in the                     prospect to alarm us, because there is nothing in the law                     which we cannot understand if we seriously desire to do so.<\/p>\n<p>No answers will be given to legal problems, nor will this                     essay fit readers to be their own lawyers. There is a <em>Lawyer&#8217;s                     Encyclopedia <\/em>which has 37 volumes containing 1,000 pages                     each, and it is only an introduction to law referring you                     for particulars to many thousands of statutes and reports.<\/p>\n<p>Law seems to some people a tyrannical encumbrance on life.                     They move along their accustomed ways with a brash confidence                     in their ability to get along without these ancient restraints.                     But law is as needful today as it ever was, because men are                     still subject to passions. If all men were reasonable, perhaps                     law would be superfluous.<\/p>\n<p>The law provides a way for people to live together. Wise                     settlements of disputes are necessary for the personal, community                     and national comfort of all of us.<\/p>\n<h3>A Free Way of Life<\/h3>\n<p>There have been irrational things done in the name of building                     a code of law, but one cherished theory running through all                     attempts is that law tries to achieve justice. The phrase                     &#8220;justice according to law&#8221; has become commonplace in the conversation                     of western democracies. Here, our judges give decisions according                     to prescribed rules. In some other parts of the world the                     potentate or the dictator administers &#8220;justice&#8221; according                     to his personal whim and ambition.<\/p>\n<p>Freedom is a strong force in our way of life, and, strange                     though it may seem to some, our laws and customs are part                     of our liberty. This apparent anomaly is understood when we                     consider that if a citizen could do what the law forbids,                     all his fellow-citizens would have the same privilege,                     and then where would be his liberty? The result of living                     under the law is a peace of mind that arises from the knowledge                     every person has of his security.<\/p>\n<p>So far as our law in Canada is concerned, most of it has                     to do with the rights and liberties of Canadians. There are                     duties imposed to refrain from acts that would be injurious                     to others, and there are duties imposed to do certain beneficial                     acts. Basic to a commonwealth like ours is the pledge, expressed                     or implied, by every citizen: &#8220;I give up my right of governing                     myself absolutely, on the condition that you give up your                     right similarly.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>A free man should know how far his freedom extends, and                     this he can learn by gaining some acquaintance with the law.                     The freedoms we enjoy in Canada are many. Some were guaranteed                     by Magna Charta, and others have been built since then. Our                     political liberty consists in that liberty in which we as                     citizens live under shelter of the law.<\/p>\n<h3>Under the Law<\/h3>\n<p>&#8220;Under shelter of the law&#8221; are key words. Our greatest danger                     is crime, which is made up of breaches of law and order, offences                     against individuals, and offences against Canada. If we have                     not security of life, liberty and property, built upon a firm                     national structure, we run the danger of our democracy falling                     in pieces.<\/p>\n<p>To preserve these advantages we need government, and good                     government is built upon law. In some respects we Canadians                     are subjects, and in others we are monarchs. As subjects we                     obey the laws which men elected by us as monarchs have made                     for our preservation. It depends upon our wisdom in selecting                     the men who make our laws whether we can rest in the certainty                     that laws will be wisely made and impartially administered.<\/p>\n<p>We have accepted the principle known as the rule of law.                     It came to us with the earliest British settlers, and it remains                     today our protection against the danger of autocracy in government                     officials. The principle goes back a long way in history.                     Roman law taught that the will of the sovereign had the force                     of law; British law advanced to the maturity of discerning                     a law above that, and laid down as a fact that those who exercised                     authority were to be held accountable.<\/p>\n<p>In a technical sense, &#8220;rule of law&#8221; means that judicial                     bodies may pronounce upon the legal validity of the acts of                     the King&#8217;s ministers and servants. As Professor Robert MacGregor                     Dawson said in his book <em>Democratic Government in Canada<\/em>:                     &#8220;A prime minister, or a customs inspector, or a policeman,                     is thus under the same legal compulsion to obey the law as                     the most humble citizen.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>This principle is today going through a crisis. Authorities                     believe it cannot maintain itself in the complete form it                     assumed in the last century. Under our present conditions,                     greater discretionary power is being given year by year to                     government officials. Acts of Parliament frequently cover                     only the broad sweep of legislation, and leave policies and                     administrative details to departmental heads and other appointees.                     But the principle is still sound as a bulwark against abuse                     of power.<\/p>\n<p>A basic charter of our law, though sometimes scoffed at                     because it dealt mostly with nobles and not the common people,                     is Magna Charta. Some parts of the charter are outdated, it                     is true, but it contains the essence of rules that are as                     vital in today&#8217;s living as are the Ten Commandments. Above                     all, it set out to say that government must be according to                     law.<\/p>\n<p>Another milestone in our journey toward justice through                     law was establishment of the writ of <em>habeas corpus<\/em>,                     guaranteeing the citizen against arbitrary imprisonment. This                     writ provides a procedure by which a prisoner may at once                     be brought before a court so that the legality of his imprisonment                     may be determined without delay.<\/p>\n<h3>The Making of Law<\/h3>\n<p>To make a law is a serious business. Even the best laws                     may have unthought-of results. We recall the Greek playwright&#8217;s                     line: &#8220;O bitter consequence of seeming-wise decree!&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>People make the law. There is scarcely any community in                     which the sense of right of the majority of the people differs                     materially on the major principles which make life possible                     and decent. No law is worth the paper it is written on unless                     the people are ready to do their part in observing it. As                     one writer put it: Nobody should forget that when a man hangs                     from a tree it doesn&#8217;t spell justice unless he helped to write                     the law that hanged him.<\/p>\n<p>Not all of us love justice with the same ardour. We do not                     have the same scruples, the same sensitiveness, or the same                     depth of conviction. There are some persons of high intellectual                     development in whom readiness to advance the law is less clear                     than in others whose intellectual development is far lower.<\/p>\n<p>To these conflicting factors attention must be given by                     governments. The object of good government is to promote the                     richest life possible for all its people. And good government                     is government by the people. It is they who decide what laws                     to add or subtract.<\/p>\n<p>The three principal functions of government are to make                     laws, to administer public affairs and to dispense justice.                     In a democracy, the force of public opinion is the real check                     upon the worthiness of government in all three spheres; to                     make sure that the laws are good and that the country is run                     efficiently, and to safeguard the right of every citizen to                     protection by the courts. This involves the judgment of the                     individual voter as to what is right and wrong, good and bad:                     a judgment which can only be given rightly when informed and                     inspired by a sense of justice.<\/p>\n<h3>International Law<\/h3>\n<p>Law transcends national boundaries, but everything said                     about the virtues of law in Canada applies to international                     law. Every state has the moral duties to other states that                     citizens have to citizens.<\/p>\n<p>International law as we know it drove the Captain Kidds                     from the seas. Today, in our search for security, we are not                     greatly troubled by pirates. We are now apprehensive about                     jet-propelled rockets carrying atomic war heads, and                     radioactive clouds and invisible armies of deadly bacteria.                     Never before in history has the elimination of strife between                     nations been as gravely important as it is today.<\/p>\n<p>Yet, in this crucial period, international law seems to                     have reached a low ebb, with many nations doing it lip-service                     but violating it when prompted by self-interest. There                     is no international agency to compel obedience to its rules,                     and law is meaningless unless it can be promptly and decisively                     enforced.<\/p>\n<p>What is standing in the way of peace through international                     law? (1) Is it the veto provision of the United Nations? (2)                     Is it the failure to establish an international police force                     with which to enforce international law? (3) Is it the fear                     of losing some of our sovereignty if we gave final jurisdiction                     to the world court over all disputes? Or (4) Is it true that                     man by nature can&#8217;t live in peace, and in this atomic age                     is set on self-destruction?<\/p>\n<p>People in all walks of life, the Roman Catholic, Jewish                     and Protestant leaders, statesmen and philosophers: all these                     have said that enduring peace requires the organization of                     international institutions which will develop a body of international                     law, guarantee the faithful fulfillment of international obligations,                     and assure collective security by control of armaments, compulsory                     arbitration, and the use of sanctions when necessary to enforce                     the law.<\/p>\n<p>There are United Nations commissions and study groups which                     have considered and labeled the problems that await solution,                     but at present the United Nations Assembly can only make recommendations;                     it cannot write and enforce laws.<\/p>\n<p>And where laws end, there tyranny begins. &#8220;When I can punch                     your nose with impunity because you are weaker than I am,&#8221;                     says Ronald Rubinstein in his book <em>John Citizen and the                     Law<\/em>, &#8220;and when a felon can break into a house and steal                     without risk, it follows that the thugs will do exactly as                     they please.&#8221;<\/p>\n<h3>What IS Law?<\/h3>\n<p>Law is not quite as easily defined as we in this democratic                     country might think. Thousands of definitions have been offered,                     and not one has been found wholly satisfactory. They range                     from Cicero&#8217;s: &#8220;Law is nothing but right reason, calling us                     imperiously to our duty&#8221; to that in Black&#8217;s <em>Law Dictionary<\/em>:                     &#8220;That Which is laid down, ordained or established.&#8221; We may                     prefer to say that we regard the law of Canada as control                     of ourselves through each other, which is good democratic                     law.<\/p>\n<p>Whatever we call it, we in Canada mean when we say &#8220;law&#8221;                     the kind of life in which every man is free to do what he                     wills, provided he does not infringe the equal freedom of                     any other man. And we demand of our law that it shall be impartial,                     using the same language to all ranks and conditions.<\/p>\n<p>Within our western civilization, two systems of law have                     grown up, one based on the Roman law and the other on the                     common law of England. Most modern codes embodying the Roman                     law are founded on the French Civil Code of 1804, of which                     Napoleon said in his exile: &#8220;My glory is not to have won forty                     battles; for Waterloo&#8217;s defeat will destroy the memory of                     as many victories. But what nothing will destroy, what will                     live eternally, is my Civil Code.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>On this continent, Quebec and Louisiana adopted French law,                     and today France s monument of law in Canada is the Quebec                     Civil Code and Code of Civil Procedure. The rest of Canada                     adopted the common law of England. Those who wish to read                     in interesting detail about the law systems of Canada cannot                     do better than obtain from the King&#8217;s Printer, Ottawa, copies                     of <em>Law and Order in Canadian Democracy<\/em>. This book of                     227 pages, prepared as a series of 20 lectures by the Royal                     Canadian Mounted Police, costs 50 cents.<\/p>\n<h3>Kinds of Law<\/h3>\n<p>The earliest source of law was custom, and this grew, through                     the British method of gentle change, into the common law.                     Today the common law rights of Britain have become the natural                     rights of man.<\/p>\n<p>Much of this common law was never passed by any legislature                     or imposed by any king, but grew out of accepted traditions                     and customs and trade practices. It was distilled out of thousands                     of court decisions which in turn became the basis of new decisions.<\/p>\n<p>For six or seven hundred years it has been the history of                     the common law to follow precedent. Where no exact precedent                     exists, similar ones will be followed, and so precedents are                     extended, modified and broadened down to new situations until                     a question rarely arises for which there are not some at least                     strongly parallel precedents. The law thus reflects, conservatively,                     the social ideas of its time, tempered by those of the immediate                     past.<\/p>\n<p>It should be noted, however, that a precedent may be disregarded                     if it has become obsolete through lapse of time and changed                     conditions. In this respect precedent law differs from statute                     law, which remains operative until repealed. Also, a precedent                     may be over-ruled when a subsequent court is convinced                     that it was founded upon wrong reasoning. The common law is                     not, therefore, the hide-bound thing it is sometimes                     pictured as being.<\/p>\n<p>The British people pride themselves on the way they &#8220;muddle                     through&#8221;, and, says Ren\u00e9 A. Wormser in his great survey                     <em>The Law<\/em>: &#8220;it is a fact that they have attained practical                     results with less planning and less forethought than any people                     with the possible exception of the Romans. They share one                     other characteristic with the Romans: the tendency sometimes                     to solve a difficult problem by indirection instead of by                     attacking it head-on.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>It was in this way that the entirely new system of law,                     called &#8220;equity&#8221;, came to stand alongside the common law. The                     early courts had limited powers, which were exercised according                     to fixed rules. To get over some of the difficulties, it became                     the practice to petition the king praying justice for the                     complaint. When this came to the judges, they could not deprive                     the king of his prerogative of doing &#8220;equity&#8221; to his subjects,                     and the Lord Chancellor was given power to remedy grievances.                     An interesting sidelight is that the king, through his chancellors,                     demanded that the plaintiff in equity come with &#8220;clean hands.&#8221;                     The maxim has also been put: &#8220;he who seeks equity must do                     equity.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Eventually both kinds of court were merged by statute which                     provided that the principles of &#8220;equity&#8221; were to be given                     effect.<\/p>\n<h3>Changing Law<\/h3>\n<p>While one of the virtues of law is that it shall be constant,                     so that what was right yesterday shall be right today, there                     are great numbers of jurists giving attention not only to                     what the law is but also to what the law should be. Law must                     be considered in relation to the circumstances within which                     it operates.<\/p>\n<p>Our social progress, due to many factors such as technology,                     increased population, and rising standards of living, demands                     that the law shall not lag too far behind the changing conditions                     that accompany it. Our law represents what we consider proper                     at this moment, and a half-century from now the law of                     Canada will likely be substantially different from what it                     is today. Perhaps we are like the Athenians of whom the great                     law-maker Solon said when asked if his laws were the                     best: &#8220;I have given them the best they were able to bear.&#8221;<\/p>\n<h3>What About Justice?<\/h3>\n<p>Now, having scanned the broad field of law, what about justice?                     The justice we mean is not the kind that refers merely to                     the treatment given a person who breaks the law. We are not                     going to look down a narrow corridor of legal thought to where                     a cold marble Justice sits blindfold, with a sword in her                     right hand and scales in her left.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Is there nothing above this human justice, whose sanction                     is rarely other than the opinion, the confidence or mistrust,                     the approval or disapproval, of our fellows?&#8221; This was a question                     asked by Count Maurice Maeterlinck, Belgian essayist, dramatist                     and poet, who died two years ago after having enriched the                     literature of the world during his 86 years. And he answered                     himself: &#8220;That such a justice exists we all of us know, for                     we all have felt its irresistible power.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The justice we mean is an ideal; it is an essential prerequisite                     of freedom, happiness and comfort, and a social force beyond                     measure important.<\/p>\n<p>This Monthly Letter started out with a search for justice,                     and this is the sort of justice we are seeking. Sometimes                     mankind has come near it, as he thought, but it faded away.                     And yet it reappeared, and perhaps at last we begin to realize                     that it is in the depths of our own hearts.<\/p>\n<p>Justice is more than an instinct for preservation, more                     than a product of our reason, more than a sentimental force.                     Once in a while we startle ourselves when our unconscious                     thought brings us face to face with a revelation of justice.<\/p>\n<p>Justice is obviously not happiness for everyone, says Ren\u00e9                     Wormser, for a law which would make one man happy is very                     likely to make another unhappy. To say that justice is happiness                     for the majority will not appeal to people who believe that                     the minority should be considered too. The satisfaction of                     human interests is not the answer, because interests differ,                     and compromises are essential to the working of a democracy                     such as ours. Is satisfaction of human wants the answer? But                     whose wants are to be satisfied? To satisfy everyone&#8217;s wants                     would be impossible, and it would not be just to satisfy some                     and ignore others.<\/p>\n<p>It will be seen that there is some difficulty in deciding                     what is justice, whether thought of as an end or a means.                     There are some who would have us believe that only fear of                     the consequence of injustice persuades men to do justly. Others                     say we are made just by contemplation of the things for which                     we shall be accountable at the final Great Assize which most                     of us expect mankind to face in some form or other.<\/p>\n<p>If we grant that within himself a man seeks to think justly,                     then it is easy to contemplate his dealing justly with his                     family, his neighbours, his associates. To look for refuge                     in thoughts of great, heroic renouncements and endeavours                     will effect but little. Justice is almost always simple, handy,                     and small.<\/p>\n<p>Justice takes in all people, and is at the heart of our                     every ideal. It is at the centre of every truth we know. It                     includes kindness and pity, generosity and heroism, because                     all these are acts of justice. Justice goes far beyond the                     narrow circles of obligation that surround us, beyond the                     crimes of men, beyond duty. We have no virtue that is complete                     unless it can stand up under the fixed and keen regard of                     justice.<\/p>\n<h3>About Injustice<\/h3>\n<p>Opposed to justice is injustice, which has two aspects:                     the actual doing of an injury to another, and tamely looking                     on while he is injured and not helping him. We give away our                     freedom every time we are silent in the face of injustice.<\/p>\n<p>Worst of all injustice is the causing of suffering to others                     whether or not it breaks a law. Injustice is shameful to those                     who are unjust, not those against whom the injustice is directed.<\/p>\n<p>No man cares to look back upon his acts of weakness or injustice,                     and to have congregate in his mind the events of bygone days                     which he cannot contemplate calmly and peacefully and with                     satisfaction.<\/p>\n<p>We should dislike very much to start our advance toward                     realization of the justice we seek in the midst of a sorrow                     we caused, even though without intention.<\/p>\n<p>Justice exacts payment for injustice by destroying our personal                     happiness. As a writer of the Middle Ages said: &#8220;The man who                     suffers inwardly the pangs of remorse for unkindnesses he                     has inflicted suffers more grievously than he who is whipped                     for his sins.&#8221; The suffering becomes more deadly, said Maeterlinck,                     in the degree of the man&#8217;s greatness and knowledge.<\/p>\n<p>But if old hopes lie shattered around us, shall we not pick                     up the fragments and piece together another ideal, less ambitious                     perhaps, but still resting upon our inborn sense of justice?<\/p>\n<p>The precepts of legal justice are these: to live honourably,                     to injure no other man, to render to every man his due.<\/p>\n<p>We have, now, a vague conception of the still higher ideal                     that we would approach. We press ourselves too hard if we                     seek to know what only time will disclose to future generations.                     But by seeking justice in ourselves, where it truly is, and                     listening to it, and putting it into our living, we shall                     profit greatly.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":0,"template":"","categories":[1],"rbc_letter_theme":[],"rbc_letter_year":[31],"class_list":["post-3657","rbc_letter","type-rbc_letter","status-publish","hentry","category-uncategorized","rbc_letter_year-31"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.2 (Yoast SEO v27.2) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>August 1951 - Vol. 32, No. 8 - The Spirit of Law and Justice - RBC<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.rbc.com\/en\/about-us\/history\/letter\/august-1951-vol-32-no-8-the-spirit-of-law-and-justice\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"August 1951 - Vol. 32, No. 8 - The Spirit of Law and Justice - RBC\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This article is not planned so much to tell the mechanics or machinery of administering law as it is to seek some knowledge of what justice is and may become. 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